What direction do you expect the relations between our countries and people will take in the field of trade and economic co-operation, tourism, etc. in the coming years?
The signing of the Free Trade Agreement between Bulgaria and Turkey in 1998 gave a boost to our economic relations. For the last 5-6 years the trade turnover has more than tripled. In 2003 it reached 1.3 billion dollars, and for 2004 it is expected to be over 1.5 billion dollars. To date the trade turnover is balanced for either country, but Turkish imports tend to be on the increase. Despite the decline of Turkish investment flows into Bulgaria in 2001, because of the crisis in Turkey, investments are picking up again – for example, the investments by Süisüecam Holding in Targovishte amount to 100 million dollars. With the approach of its accession to the EU, Bulgaria is becoming very attractive environment to Turkish manufacturers. It should be noted that, compared to that of Turkey, Bulgaria’s trade and investment legislation is very liberal; also Turkish legislation encourages Turkish investments abroad. Yet there is still too great a disbalance between Turkish investment in Bulgaria and the modest Bulgarian investments in Turkey (Prista Oil is the largest investor), and Bulgarian entrepreneurs could stir up their activity on the Turkish market which is geographically close and quite dynamic. Let’s hope that Bulgarian tourism, which is well represented in Turkey, will be duly followed by the Bulgarian economy.

Bulgarian-Turkish diplomatic relations have gone a long way since the end of the 19th century, when for understandable historic reasons the Principality of Bulgaria was not viewed as a state of equal position by the Turkish government. Are there any irresolvable issues between our states at the beginning of the 21st century? What was the impact on our bilateral relations after Turkey supported Bulgaria’s membership in NATO and is Bulgaria going to have the possibility to return the gesture by supporting Turkey’s candidature for EU membership?
Turkey has been giving consistent support for the enlargement of NATO and the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania in the process from the very beginning of the debate. The Turkish politicians have always made it clear that they are doing this because NATO enlargement matches Turkey’s interests, as it strengthens the security of the country borders, increases trust between the neighbours and facilitates solutions of various mutual problems and issues. NATO member states retain their national interests and possibly differences, but these can be much better harmonised within the framework of the relations in the alliance, although NATO has not the responsibility to resolve internal differences and heal rifts between member states.

In contrast, the European Union is seeking a much greater economic, and to some extent political and cultural integration. For this reason, the conditions for membership in the two organisations are different. Compared to NATO, the EU requires to a far larger degree that candidate countries meet certain objective political and economic criteria. That is why the decision for EU membership is never solely political but is grounded on the fulfilment of a set of criteria.

As was the case with the scenario of Bulgaria’s candidature for NATO membership, in the scenario of the Turkish candidature for EU membership the same rule applies – it matches Bulgaria’s interests. Bulgaria is interested the reformatory process in Turkey to continue with the same dynamics and the possible negotiations to lead to consistent implementation of the reforms in depth. The same is true in respect of the reforms carried out by our other neighbours from the so-called Western Balkans, which have taken the road to EU membership. All Balkan countries need to speak in the language of the generally accepted European political standards and rules of tolerance and renunciation of the use of ethnic or religious differences to create dividing lines in the Balkans, and to apply these standards in their internal and foreign policy practices.

Of course, building a united Europe and adapting to EU standards and criteria are not one-time acts, but processes that entail continuous development and improvement and also self-control for protecting them from various deformations. As in the case of democracy, the rule applies here as well: what matters is the road to the goal, not the goal itself, i.e. the road is the goal.

Juliana Tomova